Arvareshu language - the ancient Sardinian or Illyrian language

[Source of the original article was in Italian located here: http://www.gioni.net/nuova_pagina_2.htm]

A MAGNIFICENT STUDY OF THE DR. Zhirajr Mokini Poturlian

The ancient Sardinian language is called "arvareshu" and takes its name from "Arvarè" today Barbagia and was spoken fluently until the early Middle Ages. It is a language today mixed with the Latin structure but no less organized, its origin is clearly neo-illiric. If the Latin words were removed from the Sardinian, the remaining ones are 80% Illyrian and today we still find them in the Tosk and the Gheg dialects of Albanian language. The progenitor of Sardinian is in common with the Albanian. The Sardinian became latinized with the Latin church after the traumatic departure of the Greek church "Cresia Arrega Sarda" and of its clergy in 1054 (Schism of the East). The Greek church protected s "" arvareshu "as it happens today in Southern Italy with the Greek dioceses of Lungro in Calabria and of Piana degli Albanesi in Sicily.

The separation dates back to 2500 years and that is to the naval battle of Aleria (564) when the Dorici neogreci defeated the Tyrrhenian fleet constituted by the Etruscans and the Sardinians breaking the confederal legacy of the peoples of the sea and becoming the Dorici the masters of the emditerraneo. In fact the Etruscans are shards (Sardinians) who moved to Tuscany with the fleet in 800 BC successivenet to Punic pressure. The Dorians in the 5th century BC they had already expelled the Illyrians from a large part of Greece, pushing them into Epirus. The Mycenaean culture in Crete and in the Peloponnese was Illyrian. The extrusions descendants of the Sardinians and also their Illyrians. It was perhaps that of the peoples of the sea the first sketch of state in the western world with a common language of which remains the Sardinian and the Albansese. But this will have to be written by historians.
Few know that a Sardinian delegation went to Babylon in the 4th century BC to confer with Alexander the Great to plead the cause of the independence of the island threatened by foreign powers: Punic, Greek and Roman. What is even more curious is that they did not need interpreters because Alexander the Great was of an Illyrian mother and spoke his mother tongue well, which was similar to that of the Sardinians, also Illyrians.
If today the Christian religion is dominant in the western world it owes it to the Edict of Milan of the Emperor Constantine the Great. It was Mother Sant'Elena who convinced him to give the Christian religion its role today. In Sardinia, two kilometers south of the town of Dorgali (Province of Nuoro), there is a volcanic hill in the shape of a cone cultivated with vines and olive trees on top of which is the ruinous monastery and church of Sant'Elena. It belonged to the Greek Church that existed until 1054 in Sardinia, then expelled from the island with its clergy from the Latin Church. In Sardinian it is called Shant'Helene de Shkopidhana. Shkopidhana in "arvareshu" or protosardo means Albanian. In fact, St. Helena was Illyrian and in Sardinia they honored the Illyrian saint par excellence the mother of the church.
Herodotus speaks at length of the emigration of the Tyrrhenians from Thrace and Phrygia in Sardinia first and then in Tuscany (VIII century AD). He speaks of it in chapter I paragraph 94. The Phrygians share the common origin with the Thracians. In Thrace, Dacia, Phrygia and Illyria the language was closely related to the Illyrian language from which the Albanian originated. The Etruscans and the nuragic shards share this ancient origin, which is why the protosardo has an Illyrian root.

Në të folmen and motçme në Dorgali (Sardinia): Ai = He, Addej = From there, Shpela = Cave, Dillu = Sun, Shtega = Path, Falamindra = Thanks, Etc. Etc.

Catholic belief in Arvaresha language, Adhibishapo

Adhibishapo nd unij petziparu Dija, Babai gijtepostemontyu, kriadhore è kelu meme è ì(e) troka, meme è gijtà shendà kije si sheyana meme unku si sheyana. Adhibishapo nd unijparu Tommeu, unijbatiu viz’è Dija, pariu è Babai par’è gijtà sekulà, Dija pej Dija, Dridhora pej Dridhora, bautiu, mos kriau, pej petzija shushtassja è Babai, po’ meshu è Ai gijtà shendà jashene shtetja kriaà, po’ nà purrà, meme po’ janu orruonju eshte pikau ank’i kelu, meme pò opora è i shpiridhu shantu eshte mpezau nd ì(e) branza è Virgijna Mari meme si eshte bautiu purru. Ai jaìdhi kyrkau nd i poshitu è Pontziu Pilau, vatidhi meme jaidhi vorrau. I è teri didhi eshte bavatjau, sikunde (i)à shkritjà, eshte akikau ank’i kelu, s’aperperinadha nd’ì(e) dadha è Babai. Meme è arre kadh’anka vinnj nd’i lumene po’ gijukiae è (i)à kije niallana, meme (i)à vatjaà meme i meriu su unk’kadhe ank’kae fundu. Babai meme Vizu eshte adheriu meme lumenau, meme ai kà(dhe) falau po’ meshu è (i)à profetà. Adhibishapo ì(e) Kezha, unij, shanta, apostulika, Meshaposi unij petziparu batiu po’ ndiosonju è (i)à makadhà kap’hopes i bavatinju è (i)à vatja, è ì(e) nialla è ì(e) bota kije kadh’anka vinnj. Amen Zus. 


I believe in one God, the Almighty Father, creator of heaven and earth, of all things visible and invisible. I believe in one Lord Jesus Christ the only-begotten son of God born of the Father before all ages. God from God, Light from Light, true God from true God, generated, not created, by the same substance of the Father. Through Him all things were created. For us men and for our salvation he came down from heaven and through the work of the Holy Spirit he became incarnate in the womb of the Virgin Mary and became man. He was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate, he died and was buried and on the third day he rose again according to the Scriptures and ascended to Heaven and sits at the right hand of the Father and will come again in glory to judge the living and the dead and his Kingdom will not have end. I believe in the Holy Spirit who is Lord and gives life and proceeds from the Father and the Son and with the Father and the Son is worshiped and glorified and has spoken through the prophets. I believe the one, holy, catholic and apostolic Church. I profess a single baptism for the forgiveness of sins and I wait for the resurrection of the dead and the life of the world to come. Amen.

 Following is the Our Father in the idiom "arvareshu".
“Babbu Nostru” nd i antiku shardanu arvareshu (barbaricino):

Babai Janu

Shu Babai Mannu Janu kjies sher nd i kelu
Ai shiadh shantau a shu lumen tu
Ai shiadh anka vinnì i mereu tu
Ai shiadh abreria e urdha ta
Hemmo nd i kelu hemmo nd i troka
A nà tui thommir gjitianu a sha beka jana
A nà tui ndergje a shà detorà janà
Si nà ndergjimà a shà detorià janà
Tui a nà mohmos tommir a shà makadhà
Ama tui lirar a nà nk’ikekina
Amen Zes’i Zus(u).*

(Our father in Sardinian which is not exactly the translation of the previous one: Babu Nostru, Babu nostru who istas in sos chelos, Santificadu siat su numen your, Benzat a nois on rennu yours, Fata siat sa voluntade tua, Coment in su chelu gai in sa terra, Su pane nostru de onzi die dae nos oe, And forgive nos sos pecado nostros, And not nos dasses ruer in sa temptation, But liberanos dae male. Amen).





UN MAGNIFICO STUDIO DEL DOTT. Zhirajr Mokini Poturlian

La lingua sarda antica si chiama "arvareshu" e prende il nome da "Arvarè" oggi Barbagia ed è stata parlata correntemente fino all'alto medioevo. E' una lingua oggi frammista alla struttura latina ma non per questo meno organizzata la sua origine è chiaramente neoillirica. Se si togliessero le parole latine dal sardo quelle che rimangono sono per l'80% illiriche e oggi le ritroviamo ancora nel tosco e nel ghego. Il progenitore del sardo è in comune con l'albanese. Il sardo si latinizzò con la chiesa latina dopo la dipartita traumatica della chiesa greca "Cresia Arrega Sarda" e del suo clero nel 1054 (Scisma d'Oriente). La chiesa greca tutelò s'"arvareshu" come oggi succede in Sud Italia con le diocesi greche di Lungro in Calabria e di Piana degli Albanesi in Sicilia.

La separazione risale a 2500 anno e cioè alla battaglia navale di Aleria (564) quando i neogreci dorici sconfissero la flotta tirrena costituita dagli etruschi e dai sardi frantumando i retaggio confederale dei popoli del mare e diventando i dorici i padroni del emditerraneo. Infatti gli etruschi sono degli shardana (sardi) che si trasferirono in Toscana con la flotta nell'800 a.C. successivamenet alla pressione punica. I dorici nel V secolo a.C. avevano già espulso da buona parte della Grecia gli illirici spingendogli nell'Epiro. La cultura micenea a Creta e nel Peloponneso era illirica. Gli estruschi discendenti dei sardi ed anche loro illirici. Era forse quello dei popoli del mare il primo abbozzo di stato del mondo occidentale con una lingua comune della quale resta il sardo e l'albansese. Ma questo dovranno scriverlo gli storici.
Pochi sanno che una delegazione sarda si recò a Babilonia nel IV secolo a.C. per conferire con Alessandro Magno per perorare la causa dell'indipendenza dell'isola minacciata dalle potenze straniere: punici, greci e romani. La cosa ancora più curiosa è che non avevano bisogno di interpreti perchè Alessandro Magno era di madre illirica e parlava bene la lingua materna che era simile a quella dei sardi anche loro illirici.
Se oggi la religione cristiana è dominante nel mondo occidentale lo deve all'Editto di Milano dell'Imperatore Costantino il Grande. Fu la madre Sant'Elena a convincerlo a dare alla religione cristiana il ruolo che ha oggi. In Sardegna a due chilometri a Sud del paese di Dorgali (Provincia Nuoro) c'è una collina vulcanica a forma perfetta di cono coltivata a viti e olivi sulla sommità della quale c'è il monastero e la chiesa rovinosi di Sant'Elena. Apparteneva alla Chiesa Greca esistita fino al 1054 in Sardegna poi espulsa dall'isola con il suo clero dalla Chiesa Latina. In sardo si chiama Shant'Helene de Shkopidhana. Shkopidhana in "arvareshu" o protosardo vuol dire albanese. Infatti sant'Elena era illirica e in Sardegna onoravano la Santa illirica per eccellenza la madre della chiesa.
Erodoto parla diffusamente dell'emigrazione dei tirreni dalla Tracia e dalla Frigia in Sardegna dapprima e in Toscana poi (VIII sec. d.C.). Ne parla nel capitolo I paragrafo 94. I frigi condividono la comune origine con i traci. In Tracia, In Dacia, in Frigia e in Illiria la lingua era strettamente connessa a quella illirica dalla quale ha tratto origine l'albanese. Gli etruschi e gli shardana nuragici condividono questa antica origine ecco perchè il protosardo ha radice illirica.

Në të folmen e motçme në Dorgali (Sardegna): Ai = Lui, Addej = Di là, Shpela = Grotta, Dillu = Sole, Shtega = Percorso, Falamindra = Grazie, Ecc. Ecc.

Credo Cattolico in lingua arvaresha, Adhibishapo

Adhibishapo nd unij petziparu Dija, Babai gijtepostemontyu, kriadhore è kelu meme è ì(e) troka, meme è gijtà shendà kije si sheyana meme unku si sheyana. Adhibishapo nd unijparu Tommeu, unijbatiu viz’è Dija, pariu è Babai par’è gijtà sekulà, Dija pej Dija, Dridhora pej Dridhora, bautiu, mos kriau, pej petzija shushtassja è Babai, po’ meshu è Ai gijtà shendà jashene shtetja kriaà, po’ nà purrà, meme po’ janu orruonju eshte pikau ank’i kelu, meme pò opora è i shpiridhu shantu eshte mpezau nd ì(e) branza è Virgijna Mari meme si eshte bautiu purru. Ai jaìdhi kyrkau nd i poshitu è Pontziu Pilau, vatidhi meme jaidhi vorrau. I è teri didhi eshte bavatjau, sikunde (i)à shkritjà, eshte akikau ank’i kelu, s’aperperinadha nd’ì(e) dadha è Babai. Meme è arre kadh’anka vinnj nd’i lumene po’ gijukiae è (i)à kije niallana, meme (i)à vatjaà meme i meriu su unk’kadhe ank’kae fundu. Babai meme Vizu eshte adheriu meme lumenau, meme ai kà(dhe) falau po’ meshu è (i)à profetà. Adhibishapo ì(e) Kezha, unij, shanta, apostulika, Meshaposi unij petziparu batiu po’ ndiosonju è (i)à makadhà kap’hopes i bavatinju è (i)à vatja, è ì(e) nialla è ì(e) bota kije kadh’anka vinnj. Amen Zus.

Credo in un solo Dio, Padre Onnipotente, creatore del cielo e della terra, di tutte le cose visibili e invisibili. Credo in un solo Signore Gesù Cristo unigenito figlio di Dio nato dal Padre prima di tutti i secoli. Dio da Dio, Luce da Luce, Dio vero da Dio vero, generato, non creato, dalla stessa sostanza del Padre. Per mezzo di Lui tutte le cose sono state create. Per noi uomini e per la nostra salvezza discese dal cielo e per opera dello Spirito Santo si è incarnato nel seno della Vergine Maria e si è fatto uomo. Fu crocifisso per noi sotto Ponzio Pilato, morì e fu sepolto e il terzo giorno è resuscitato secondo le Scritture ed è salito al Cielo e siede alle destra del Padre e di nuovo verrà nella gloria per giudicare i vivi e i morti ed il suo Regno non avrà fine. Credo nello Spirito Santo che è Signore e dà la vita e procede dal Padre e dal Figlio e con il Padre ed il Figlio è adorato e glorificato e ha parlato per mezzo dei profeti. Credo la Chiesa una, santa, cattolica e apostolica. Professo un solo battesimo per il perdono dei peccati e aspetto la resurrezione dei morti e la vita del mondo che verrà. Amen.

 Di seguito è riportato il Padre Nostro in idioma "arvareshu".

 “Babbu Nostru” nd i antiku shardanu arvareshu (barbaricino):

Babai Janu

Shu Babai Mannu Janu kjies sher nd i kelu
Ai shiadh shantau a shu lumen tu
Ai shiadh anka vinnì i mereu tu
Ai shiadh abreria e urdha ta
Hemmo nd i kelu hemmo nd i troka
A nà tui thommir gjitianu a sha beka jana
A nà tui ndergje a shà detorà janà
Si nà ndergjimà a shà detorià janà
Tui a nà mohmos tommir a shà makadhà
Ama tui lirar a nà nk’ikekina
Amen Zes’i Zus(u).*


(Padre nostro in sardo che non è esattamente la traduzione del precedente: Babu Nostru, Babu nostru chi istas in sos chelos, Santificadu siat su numen tuo, Benzat a nois su rennu tuo, Fata siat sa voluntade tua, Coment in su chelu gai in sa terra, Su pane nostru de onzi die dae nos oe, E perdona nos sos pecado nostros, E non nos dasses ruer in sa tentazione, Ma liberanos dae male. Amen).


Esempio di indicazione (per la visita a una grotta):

Komuna e Ujli me Thurkali
(Cartagine Sulcos: Thurkali)

Kujdahemmo


Ie krompeta po shu shpeli e Vule Pelainu vetadh mesha shara itinty ne shtega kjie mbashtidh ank’i prazha e “Ilune”. Po prazhì bajzì e veshtì a shà katholà thankaà meme jno veshtizi a shà thangalà kaperiaà. I kuerru Tommeu Mashu jamadhemmo addej po jà gjità. Ai ji preshetadh apreshu e shpelaja kue kadh i hyjnia sha krea. Jno shkoilazi po prazhì ank’i shpeli petziunà ka kadh rrezilu. Tammas eshte sherinu jaishent kishtidhà shà krompetà.
Falamindra !

Modernized:

Komuna e Ujli me Thurkali
(Cartagine Sulcos: Thurkali)
Kujdahemmo
Sha krompeta po sh’ishpeli e shu ‘Ule Pelainu vetadh mesha shara itinty ne ishtega kjie imbashtidh ank’i prazha e “Ilune”. Po prazhì bajzì e veshtì shas katholas thankaas jno a shas thangalas kaperiaas. Shu kuerru Tommeu Mashu jamadhemmo addej po jà gjità. Ai ji preshetadh apreshu e shpelaja kue kadh sha hyjnia krea. Jno shkoilazi po prazhì ank’i shpeli petziunà ka kadh rrezilu. Tammas eshte sherinu jaishent kishtidhas shas krompetas.
 Falamindra !

Municipality of Ujli with Thurcali
Caution
The visit to the Bue Marino cave lasts half an hour and goes from the path that leads to the beach of Cala Luna. Please wear closed shoes and do not wear open sandals. The Mr. Masu guide is there for you. It awaits you at the main entrance to the cave. Do not go alone to the cave because of the danger. There are no visits at night.

Hail Mary in Arvaresa language
Ave Mari nd ie gohena arvaresha

Ave Mari mbusa e kareshti
Sher shantaa nter ià femerà
shantaa ie pumora e ie branza ta: Zesu

Shanta Mari nenna e Dja
Retza po nà makadherà
Tashi eshte ie shara e jana vatja

Amen Zes'i Zus.



Catholic belief in Arvaresha language, Adhibishapo
Adhibishapo nd unij petziparu Dija, Babai gijtepostemontyu, kriadhore è kelu meme è ì(e) troka, meme è gijtà shendà kije si sheyana meme unku si sheyana. Adhibishapo nd unijparu Tommeu, unijbatiu viz’è Dija, pariu è Babai par’è gijtà sekulà, Dija pej Dija, Dridhora pej Dridhora, bautiu, mos kriau, pej petzija shushtassja è Babai, po’ meshu è Ai gijtà shendà jashene shtetja kriaà, po’ nà purrà, meme po’ janu orruonju eshte pikau ank’i kelu, meme pò opora è i shpiridhu shantu eshte mpezau nd ì(e) branza è Virgijna Mari meme si eshte bautiu purru. Ai jaìdhi kyrkau nd i poshitu è Pontziu Pilau, vatidhi meme jaidhi vorrau. I è teri didhi eshte bavatjau, sikunde (i)à shkritjà, eshte akikau ank’i kelu, s’aperperinadha nd’ì(e) dadha è Babai. Meme è arre kadh’anka vinnj nd’i lumene po’ gijukiae è (i)à kije niallana, meme (i)à vatjaà meme i meriu su unk’kadhe ank’kae fundu. Babai meme Vizu eshte adheriu meme lumenau, meme ai kà(dhe) falau po’ meshu è (i)à profetà. Adhibishapo ì(e) Kezha, unij, shanta, apostulika, Meshaposi unij petziparu batiu po’ ndiosonju è (i)à makadhà kap’hopes i bavatinju è (i)à vatja, è ì(e) nialla è ì(e) bota kije kadh’anka vinnj. Amen Zus. Credo in un solo Dio, Padre Onnipotente, creatore del cielo e della terra, di tutte le cose visibili e invisibili. Credo in un solo Signore Gesù Cristo unigenito figlio di Dio nato dal Padre prima di tutti i secoli. Dio da Dio, Luce da Luce, Dio vero da Dio vero, generato, non creato, dalla stessa sostanza del Padre. Per mezzo di Lui tutte le cose sono state create. Per noi uomini e per la nostra salvezza discese dal cielo e per opera dello Spirito Santo si è incarnato nel seno della Vergine Maria e si è fatto uomo. Fu crocifisso per noi sotto Ponzio Pilato, morì e fu sepolto e il terzo giorno è resuscitato secondo le Scritture ed è salito al Cielo e siede alle destra del Padre e di nuovo verrà nella gloria per giudicare i vivi e i morti ed il suo Regno non avrà fine. Credo nello Spirito Santo che è Signore e dà la vita e procede dal Padre e dal Figlio e con il Padre ed il Figlio è adorato e glorificato e ha parlato per mezzo dei profeti. Credo la Chiesa una, santa, cattolica e apostolica. Professo un solo battesimo per il perdono dei peccati e aspetto la resurrezione dei morti e la vita del mondo che verrà. Amen.

Another text in "Arvareshu"..


??!! - Njá çâ dallojmë:

 «Arvareshu» --- Arbëresh

nd - ndë
gijte - gjithë
e gjita shenda - e gjithë sendëve
 i shpiridhu - i m. x..
 troka - toka
 shenda - send
 sheyana - shehënë
 dridhora - dridh-?, drit-?
 bautiu - bâ
 mos - mos
 pej - prej, 'pej'
 ai - ai, aji
 jashene - jëshënë, jishinë (αρβ.γρ.)
 na - na, ne
 purrà, purru - burra, burrë
 janu - jânë, jonë, (t'ânë, t'ônë)
 orruonju - shëruonj «uoj-oj» shëronj
>eshte - është, ësht'
 pikau - pikua-?, (pika 'nga qielli'?)
 ank - nga?
 poshitu - poshët, posht
 vorrau - vôrrua, varruar..
 didhi - ditë?
 e dadha - e djatha-?, e djathëta
 arre - re, "së ríu"
 vinnj - vinj, vij
 lumene, lumenau - lumëní-?, lumënua-?, lum-
 niallana - ngjallëna-?, (shih niala«j-gj»ngjala)
 fundu - fund
 ka falau - ka fol-? fëlas-?
 ndiosonju - ndí-? *ndihësonj-?
 makadha - mëkatë (mpëkatë)
 vatja - vajtë-?, vajtjët-?, (të vajturit?)
 nialla - ngjalla, gjalla (arb. gjëlla)
 bota - bota, botë
 kadh'anka vinj - ka *nga vinj??, ka (të) vinj


Zhirajr Mokini Poturlian

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εμείς-Έλληνες vs άλλοι-Αλβανοί

"εμείς-Έλληνες vs άλλοι-Αλβανοί"

- Είναι ποτέ δυνατό η εγγραμματοσύνη των ανθρώπων να είναι αντιστρόφως ανάλογη με τη διεύρυνση των πνευματικών τους οριζόντων; Διατυπώνοντας διαφορετικά το ερώτημα, μπορεί ένας άνθρωπος με χαμηλή μόρφωση να είναι περισσότερο ανοιχτόμυαλος από έναν που έχει γίνει δέκτης μιας επαρκούς εκπαίδευσης με ανθρωπιστικό προσανατολισμό; Χρησιμοποιώντας σε αυτό το άρθρο δεδομένα της Λαογραφίας, της Κοινωνιολογίας και της Ιστορικής Γλωσσολογίας και ξεκινώντας από το επίπεδο της μικροϊστορίας ενός νησιού του Σαρωνικού, συγκεκριμένα της Σαλαμίνας, θα καταδειχθεί πως αυτό είναι όντως μια πτυχή ενός ιστορικού γεγονότος. Και φυσικά ένα γεγονός του παρελθόντος, απώτερου ή πρόσφατου, δεν πρέπει ποτέ να το αξιολογούμε με τα δικά μας δεδομένα, αλλά η σκέψη και η κρίση μας χρειάζεται να ανάγεται και να προσαρμόζεται στην τότε επικρατούσα κοινωνική κατάσταση. Αφετηρία του προβληματισμού είναι ο τρόπος υποδοχής και ένταξης μεταναστών στη νησιωτική κοινωνία της Σαλαμίνας σε δύο διαφορετικές χρονικές περιόδους˙ η πρώτη αφορά στην εγκατάσταση Αρβανιτών επήλυδων πριν εξακόσια χρόνια περίπου στη Σαλαμίνα και διήρκεσε μέχρι και το 19ο αιώνα και η δεύτερη στην αντιμετώπιση των Αλβανών μεταναστών από το 1990 κι έπειτα.

Ας πάρουμε, όμως, τα πράγματα από την αρχή.

Τοπική παράδοση αναφέρει ότι «Αρβανίτες έποικοι έφθασαν στο νησί από θάλασσα και αποβιβάστηκαν στη σημερινή παραλία της Κούλουρης. Ο τόπος ήταν γεμάτος κέδρους και ακολουθώντας ένα ρυάκι έφθασαν μέχρι την πηγή του, ανατολικά της εκκλησίας του Αγίου Ανδρέα». Άλλη παράδοση αναφέρει πως για τον εντοπισμό του καταλληλότερου τόπου για τη δημιουργία οικισμού «κρέμασαν σε διάφορα μέρη συκώτι ζώου και ανάλογα με τη βραδύτητα της αποσύνθεσής του επέλεξαν τον τόπο εγκαθίδρυσής τους».

Στη Σαλαμίνα οι δύο γλώσσες -ελληνικά/αρβανίτικα- συμβίωσαν και η αρβανίτικη επικράτησε κυρίως στον γεωργικό πληθυσμό. Το γεγονός της συμβίωσης των δύο γλωσσών μαρτυρείται από παλαιούς ξένους περιηγητές που επισκέφτηκαν το νησί τη δεκαετία του 1670. Ο Giraud, πρόξενος τότε της Γαλλίας, μας πληροφορεί ότι ο πληθυσμός ήταν εν μέρει ελληνικός και εν μέρει αρβανίτικος. Δέκα χρόνια αργότερα ο Ολλανδός Dapper παρατηρεί Αρβανίτες αλλά περισσότερους Έλληνες, κυρίως Αθηναίους. Οι πληροφορίες του Giraud και του Dapper αποτελούν τις πρώτες ουσιαστικές μαρτυρίες για την ύπαρξη Αρβανιτών στη Σαλαμίνα. Η εγκατάσταση των αρβανιτών επήλυδων στο νησί ήταν ειρηνική και συνοδεύτηκε από την προσαρμογή τους στο οικονομικό τοπίο του νησιού· ασχολήθηκαν, με τη γεωργία, την κτηνοτροφία, την υλοτομία, την κατραμοποιία και τη ρητινοσυλλογή και διδάχτηκαν από τον ντόπιο πληθυσμό τα τοπωνύμια του νησιού, τα περισσότερα από τα οποία είναι ελληνικά και μερικά, αρχαία ελληνικά.

Το γεγονός της ειρηνικής συνύπαρξης και συμβίωσης Αρβανιτών και ντόπιων ενισχύεται και από προφορική παράδοση του Αμπελακίου, σύμφωνα με την οποία οι κάτοικοι του χωριού δυσφορούσαν που οι ίδιοι και οι κόρες τους δε γνώριζαν την αρβανίτικη διάλεκτο και κατά συνέπεια δεν είχαν την ευκαιρία να συνάψουν γάμους με τους Αρβανίτες νέους που είχαν αρχίσει τότε να κατακλύζουν το νησί. Η διαφοροποίηση, εξάλλου, από τον γηγενή πληθυσμό του νησιού δεν ήταν φυλετική αλλά οικονομική και κοινωνική.

Τελειώνοντας με τα σχετικά της παρουσίας των Αρβανιτών στη Σαλαμίνα και πριν περάσουμε στο θέμα των σημερινών αλβανών μεταναστών, να τονίσουμε πως οι αρβανίτες, αν και απομονωμένοι σε αυτό το νησί, διατήρησαν από τη μια τη γλώσσα τους, το πιο ζωντανό και δυναμικό δηλαδή στοιχείο όλων των λαών, και από την άλλη κατάφεραν να μιλούν με άνεση την ελληνική. Αυτό είχε ως αποτέλεσμα να επικρατήσει μια λειτουργική διγλωσσία – αρβανίτικα/ελληνικά – μέχρι περίπου και τη δεκαετία του 1970.

Μετά την οικονομική κατάρρευση του αλβανικού καθεστώτος το 1990 σημειώθηκε ένα μεγάλο κύμα μετανάστευσης -παράνομης αρχικά, νόμιμης έπειτα- των κατοίκων της Αλβανίας προς την Ιταλία και κυρίως στην Ελλάδα. Το κύμα αυτό συνεχίστηκε καθ’ όλη τη διάρκεια σχεδόν της δεκαετίας του 1990, ενώ από το 2000 και μετά άρχισε να φθίνει. Από την έναρξη του μεταναστευτικού αυτού κύματος των Αλβανών έγινε φανερό πως το κύριο αίτιό του ήταν η εξεύρεση χρημάτων και η καλυτέρευση της ζωής τους. Οι Αλβανοί ζούσαν κάτω από ένα ιδιότυπο κομμουνιστικό καθεστώς, κλειστού χαρακτήρα, με την έννοια του απολυταρχικού κράτους, που τηρούσε πιστά το γνωμικό “τα εν οίκω μη εν δήμω”. Δίκαια, λοιπόν χαρακτηρίστηκαν ως οικονομικοί μετανάστες.

Με τον ερχομό τους στην Ελλάδα σκορπίστηκαν σε κάθε μέρος της και ασχολήθηκαν με χειρωνακτικές εργασίες, όπως καθαριότητα σπιτιών, ξεχορτάριασμα κήπων, σερβιτόροι και άλλες δουλειές. Πολλοί απορροφήθηκαν σε οικοδομικές επιχειρήσεις εξαιτίας της ικανότητάς τους να επεξεργάζονται την πέτρα, μιας και στην πατρίδα τους χρησιμοποιείται ως κύριο οικοδομικό υλικό. Δουλεύοντας αρχικά χωρίς ασφάλιση έγιναν αντικείμενο εκμετάλλευσης από επιτήδειους οι οποίοι τους πρόσφεραν ένα πενιχρό ημερομίσθιο σε αντάλλαγμα ενός άθλιου καταλύματος.

Πολλοί Έλληνες αντιμετωπίζοντάς τους με οίκτο τούς φιλοξένησαν στα σπίτια τους και λόγω της αθεΐας που επικρατούσε στην Αλβανία, τους βάφτισαν δίνοντάς τους χριστιανικά ονόματα. Οι βαφτίσεις έγιναν γρήγορα αποδεκτές από τους Αλβανούς, γιατί η ίδια η ελληνική πολιτεία επέδειξε μερικώς προνομιακή μεταχείριση σε όσους μπορούσαν να τεκμηριώσουν ορθόδοξο θρήσκευμα. Αρκετοί Αλβανοί για να γίνουν ακόμη περισσότερο αποδεκτοί από τους Έλληνες χρησιμοποίησαν τον ελληνικής επινόησης αλυτρωτικό όρο Βορειοηπειρώτης αγνοώντας από τη μεριά τους το εθνικό περιεχόμενο του όρου.

Όσον αφορά τη Σαλαμίνα χρειάζεται να επισημανθεί ότι ως χώρος συγκέντρωσης για εύρεση εργασίας ήταν ο πεζόδρομος μπροστά από το πρώην κτήριο του Ο.Τ.Ε.  στην Ακτή Καραϊσκάκη ή στην πλατεία του Αγ. Νικολάου στα Σελήνια για όσους έμεναν στα ανατολικά του νησιού ή στην πλατεία του Αιαντείου. Κάθε πρωί ανέμεναν να περάσει κάποιος που χρειαζόταν χειρωνακτική κατά κύριο λόγο δουλειά και κατόπιν προφορικής συμφωνίας για το ημερομίσθιο κατευθύνονταν στο χώρο εργασίας. Το απόγευμα, μετά την εργασία και τη μεσημεριανή ξεκούραση μαζεύονταν στη διασταύρωση της Λεωφόρου Φανερωμένης και της Ακτής Καραϊσκάκη όπου συζητούσαν τα διάφορα προβλήματά τους, αλλά και έκλειναν συμφωνίες για τις επόμενες μέρες.

Ο Λουκάς Τσιτσιπής (1946-2008) στη θεμελιώδη μελέτη του “Arvanitika. A Linguistic Anthropology of Praxis and Language Shift” (Αρβανίτικα. Μια ανθρωπογλωσσολογία της πράξης και γλωσσική στροφή) διακρίνει δύο ειδών ομιλητές της αρβανίτικης: άλλους με ολική και άλλους με μερική γλωσσική ικανότητα. Τους πρώτους τους ονομάζει ικανούς και τους δεύτερους τελικούς ομιλητές. Οι τελευταίοι είναι νεαροί· παρεμβάλλουν αρβανίτικες λέξεις ή εκφράσεις στην ομιλία τους δείχνοντας με αυτόν τον τρόπο -ασυναίσθητα- την αλληλεγγύη με την παραδοσιακή κοινότητα. Με άλλα λόγια ο αρβανίτικος λόγος δεν έχει χρήση αναφορικής λειτουργίας αλλά περισσότερο μεταφορικής-ποιητικής. Η χρήση της ελληνικής δείχνει έμμεσα την υποταγή του ομιλούντος υποκειμένου (με τη μπαχτινική έννοια) στην επίσημη φωνή της ευρύτερης κοινωνικής κοινότητας στην οποία ανήκει. Άρα, η ελληνική γλώσσα ανάγεται σε κώδικα ισχύος, ενώ η αρβανίτικη διάλεκτος σε κώδικα αλληλεγγύης.

Με την άφιξη των Αλβανών οικονομικών μεταναστών στη Σαλαμίνα από το 1990 και μετά, παρατηρήθηκε μια άνεση επικοινωνίας με τους ντόπιους Αρβανίτες  (ικανούς ομιλητές), η οποία συνοδεύτηκε από την προσπάθεια γλωσσικής προσαρμογής των τελευταίων με τους πρώτους. Με άλλα λόγια, αντί να προσαρμόσουν οι Αλβανοί την ομιλία τους ώστε να γίνονται κατανοητοί από τους Σαλαμίνιους που μιλούσαν την αρβανίτικη, οι Σαλαμίνιοι ήταν αυτοί που άρχισαν να μαθαίνουν νέες αλβανικές λέξεις ή φράσεις. Αυτό συνέβη γιατί οι Σαλαμίνιοι Αρβανίτες -κυρίως οι ηλικιωμένοι- έλεγαν πως τα αρβανίτικα δεν είναι γλώσσα, αλλά ένας ιδιαίτερος τρόπος ομιλίας. Από την άλλη οι Αλβανοί μετανάστες ήταν αυτοί που ενδιαφέρθηκαν περισσότερο να μάθουν ελληνικά που τα χρειάζονταν για την είσοδό τους στην αγορά εργασίας παρά να ασχοληθούν με την εκμάθηση της αρβανίτικης.

Οι ντόπιοι Αρβανίτες κράτησαν αποστάσεις από τους Αλβανούς γιατί έχουν ελληνική συνείδηση και δεν συμπεριφέρθηκαν ως Αρβανίτες μακρινής αλβανικής καταγωγής. Παρόλα αυτά δε δίστασαν να επαινέσουν τον σκληροτράχηλο χαρακτήρα των Αλβανών και τους συμπονούσαν για την ένδειά τους, αλλά αρκετά συχνά τους χαρακτήριζαν ως οκνηρούς, ανειλικρινείς και εν δυνάμει κακοποιούς.

Το κλίμα της ξενοφοβίας σε βάρος των Αλβανών μεταναστών που επέδειξαν άτομα που είχαν ολοκληρώσει τη Μέση Εκπαίδευση και που καλλιεργήθηκε διαμέσου των Μέσων Μαζικής Ενημέρωσης από το 1997 και μετά, λόγω της αύξησης της εγκληματικότητας, συμπαρέσυρε και τη σαλαμινιακή κοινωνία. Η ρατσιστική αυτή αντιμετώπιση δεν ήταν τίποτε άλλο από το αποτέλεσμα ενός ιδεολογικού κατασκευάσματος που αναπτύχθηκε στην ευρύτερη ελληνική κοινωνία και που εκφράστηκε ως αποκύημα μιας φαντασιωσικής προφύλαξης της ταυτότητας του εμείς-Έλληνες vs άλλοι-Αλβανοί. Η διαφύλαξη αυτή της ταυτότητας κατέληξε στη δημιουργία ενός πολιτικού μορφώματος με μεγάλη αποδοχή  από τη σαλαμινιακή  κοινωνία, όπως τούτο καταφαίνεται από τις εκλογικές αναμετρήσεις, κυρίως σε εθνικό επίπεδο.

Τα ιστορικά και κοινωνιολογικά δεδομένα που παρουσιάστηκαν παραπάνω  απέδειξαν  πως όντως η εγγραμματοσύνη και η ουμανιστική μόρφωση που μπορεί να έχει δεχθεί ένας άνθρωπος είναι αντιστρόφως ανάλογη της διεύρυνσης των πνευματικών του οριζόντων. Ο αγράμματος άνθρωπος του 15ου αιώνα αντιμετώπισε φιλικά και καλοπροαίρετα έναν άγνωστο, έναν ξένο. Δεν επέδειξε καν εργασιακό ανταγωνισμό απέναντί του. Αντιθέτως,  ενδιαφέρθηκε γι’ αυτόν, τον καλοδέχτηκε, τον ενέταξε ειρηνικά στην κοινωνία του, στην οικογένειά του την ίδια. Έκανε κάτι ανθρώπινο˙ έστρεψε το βλέμμα του σε έναν συνάνθρωπό του. Εμείς;

*Ο Παναγιώτης Βελτανισιάν είναι φιλόλογος και λαογράφος.
Οικογένεια Παπαπαναγιώτου. Αμπελάκι 1911.

Article publication sponsored by Rrënjët [https://www.rrenjet.iamalbanian.com]

Prifti katolik gjatë luftës rrahu këmbanën e kishës për tu kujtuar vëllezërve mysliman kohen e Iftarit

Çfarë është kjo këmbanë në ketë interval kohorë të pazakontë, kishte pyetur Priftin një përfaqësues ndërkombëtar? Po bije në shenjë respekti që tregohet ndaj vëllezërve shqiptar të besimit mysliman që janë të strehuar neper familje të famullisë, se është koha për të shtruar sofrën e Iftarit, iu kishte përgjigjur Don Kelemend Spaqi me shumë butësi.

Prifti Katolik, Don Kelmend Spaqi, famullitar në Kishën e “Shën Andout” në Gllogjan, gjatë kohës se luftës se vitit 1998-98, rrahu këmbanat për tu treguar myslimaneve të strehuar në familjet e fshatrave Gllogjan, Nepole, Llugagji e deri ku jehonin tingujt se është koha e iftarit për ata që kanë agjëruar në muajin e shenjtë të “Ramazanit”.

Për një përfaqësues ndërkombëtar që ishte për vizitë në zyrën e famullitarit, tingujt e këmbanës në atë kohë krijuan kureshtje, por kur mësoj arsyeje ishte mbetur i shtangur nga veprimi dhe kujdesi i një prifti katolik për shqiptaret e besimit mysliman që bëjnë iftarin me kambanat e Kishës

Article publication sponsored by Rrënjët [https://www.rrenjet.iamalbanian.com]

Archaeologists discover ancient settlement of 6th century B.C. in Albania (Video in Albanian)

TIRANA, Sept. 23 (Xinhua) -- A group of Albanian and German archaeologists discovered the ruins of an ancient settlement believed built in the second half of the 6th century B.C. and inhabited until the 3rd century B.C. in Divjaka, midwest of Albania, Albanian Telegraphic Agency (ATA) reported on Sunday.

According to ATA, the archaeologists worked for several months in the remains, which are believed to be of residential houses, surrounding walls, and roads.

Manuel Fidler, archaeologist from Berlin University, said that the aim of the project is to create a map of ancient ruins in Albania.

"We are trying to understand who lived here between Apollonia and Dyrrah and who built this settlement. It is the first time that we do research in the area in Divjaka," said Fidler.

According to Fidler, the remains have a perfect urban organization, where the main road was linked to other 15 smaller ones.

As Divjaka is in a hilly area, the excavations of the ancient settlement will continue during the following months.

Article publication sponsored by Rrënjët [https://www.rrenjet.iamalbanian.com]

Këshilltari i Haradinajt e zbulon se kur filloi skenari për shkëmbimin e territoreve

Sipas Gazmend Sylës, këmbimi i territoreve, do të ishte legjitimim i këtij krimi dhe shkelje në gjakun e viktimave të pafajshme.

Gazmend Syla, këshilltar politik i kryeministrit dhe drejtor i Zyrës për Çështje të Kategorive të Dala nga Lufta e Ushtrisë Çlirimtare të Kosovës), përmes një postimi në llogarinë e tij në Facebook, shkruan se skenari që përmendet për shkëmbimin e territoreve, filloi pikërisht para 19 vitesh, në natën mes 3 dhe 4 shkurtit 2000.

“Natën tragjike u ekzekutuan mizorisht: Nezir e Shqipe Voca, Niman Sejdiu, Bashkim Rrukeci, Sebiha Abrashi, Selime Berisha, Muharrem Sokoli, Nderim Ajeti, Nerimane Xhaka dhe Remzije Canhasi. "Rojat e Urës", kryen këtë krim ne sy të sigurisë ndërkombëtare, duke dëbuar nga shtëpitë e tyre 12 mijë shqiptarë e duke vazhduar kështu zanatin e tyre të pastrimit etnik”, shkruan Syla.

Sipas Gazmend Sylës, këmbimi i territoreve, do të ishte legjitimim i këtij krimi dhe shkelje në gjakun e viktimave të pafajshme.

“Skenari që përmendet sot për shkëmbimin e territoreve, filloi pikërisht para 19 vitesh, në natën mes 3 dhe 4 shkurtit 2000. Natën tragjike u ekzekutuan mizorisht: Nezir e Shqipe Voca, Niman Sejdiu, Bashkim Rrukeci, Sebiha Abrashi, Selime Berisha, Muharrem Sokoli, Nderim Ajeti, Nerimane Xhaka dhe Remzije Canhasi. "Rojat e Urës", kryen këtë krim ne sy të sigurisë ndërkombëtare, duke dëbuar nga shtëpitë e tyre 12 mijë shqiptarë e duke vazhduar kështu zanatin e tyre të pastrimit etnik. Këmbimi i territoreve, do të ishte legjitimim i këtij krimi dhe shkelje në gjakun e viktimave të pafajshme”, shkruan Gazmend Syla, këshilltar politik i kryeministrit, në llogarinë e tij në Facebook.

[Origjinali: https://www.botasot.info/aktuale-lajme/1024148/keshilltari-i-haradinajt-e-zbulon-se-kur-filloi-skenari-per-shkembimin-e-territoreve ]

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Dëshmitarët: Masakra në veri e kryer në prani të KFOR-it dhe UNMIK-ut

Natën mes 3 dhe 4 shkurtit të vitit 2000 në veri të Mitrovicës, të ashtuquajturat ‘Rojat e urës’, vranë 10 shqiptarë, në mesin e të cilëve fëmijë, gra e pleq, plagosën 25 të tjerë, ndërsa dëbuan rreth 12 mijë banorë shqiptarë, të cilët u detyruan të kalojnë në jug të qytetit, duke lënë prapa shtëpitë dhe banesat e tyre në flakë.

Plaku 85 vjeçar, Shaip Canhasi nga Mitrovica, i cili jeton i vetmuar prej kohës kur ia vranë gruan, rrëfen për ngjarjen e asaj nate.

Ai ndjehet i mërzitur, përton të flasë, sepse preket shumë, përjeton rëndë dhe nuk dëshiron të kujton atë natë tmerri.



Megjithatë, mes lotëve kujton momentin trishtues kur duke parë bashkëshorten e vrarë, humb ndjenjat dhe i bie të fikët.

“Pa prit pa kujtu na ndodhi ajo… Nëntë veta kanë qenë, nëntë plumba, nga të cilat dy i kishte pasur bashkëshortja…E thyen derën, pse s’po dilni ju shqiptarët prej këtu… Unë kam qenë me bashkëshorten dhe një polic nga Jordania, i cili ka jetuar me qera te unë… Shkuan ata, e morëm bashkëshorten me fut brenda, unë u rrëzova, më ra të fikët nga trishtimi… Natë e tmerrit ka qenë dhe e kemi ditë se do të ndodhë diçka… Jam mërzitur… Goxha vështirë qenka. Jam i vetmuar, askush nuk ma hap derën me më pa qysh jam. Po duhet vetëm me shku me marrë barrëra, te mjeku”, ka thënë Canhasi, për KosovaPress, duke shtuar se drejtësia nuk ka punuar sa duhet në këtë drejtim.

Në anën tjetër, kryetari i KMLDNJ-së në Mitrovicë, Halit Barani, tha se është i rëndë kujtimi i kësaj masakre.


Sipas tij, ka pasur shumë masakra në Kosovë, por pas luftës kjo është e para dhe e vetmja e cila është kryer në prani të KFOR-it francez dhe policisë së UNMIK-ut.

Ai përmend disa nga emrat e autorëve të kësaj masakre, siç janë: Oliver Ivanoviq dhe Dragan Delibashiq, ndërsa thotë se KMLDNj, Qendra Rajonale në Mitrovicë, ka bërë kallëzime penale ndaj 12 kriminelëve në Mitrovicë, mirëpo siç u shpreh ai, deri sot janë marrë në pyetje vetëm 4 prej tyre.

Barani ka potencuar se institucionet e Kosovës nuk kanë bërë asgjë deri sot për veriun dhe shqiptarët atje.

“Ka pasur shumë masakra në Kosovë, por pas luftës kjo është e para dhe e vetmja e cila është kryer në prani të KFOR-it francez dhe policisë së UNMIK-ut… Kriminelë, çetnikë serbë, kanë vrarë 10 shqiptarë brenda në shtëpitë dhe banesat e tyre, jo rrugëve… Është Oliver Ivanoviq, Dragan Delibashiq. Momentalisht të tjerët nuk po më kujtohen, i kam të shënuara… KMLDNJ – Qendra Rajonale në Mitrovicë, ka bërë kallëzime penale për 12 kriminelë në Mitrovicë, mirëpo deri më sot janë marrë në pyetje vetëm 4 prej tyre…Qeveria dhe institucionet e Kosovës absolutisht nuk kanë bërë asgjë deri sot për pjesën e okupuar të qytetit sepse shqiptarët të cilët jetojnë edhe sot në atë pjesë të qytetit, vazhdimisht jetojnë në ankth të asaj se çka do t’iu ndodhë gjatë natës apo ditës”, theksoi Barani.

Ndryshe, emrat e atyre që u vranë në natën ndërmjet 3 dhe 4 shkurtit të viti 2000 janë, Nezir e Shqipe Voca, Niman Sejdiu, Bashkim Rrukeci, Sebiha Abrashi, Selime Berisha, Muharrem Sokoli, Nderim Ajeti, Nerimane Xhaka dhe Remzije Canhasi.


[Origjinali: https://gazetablic.com/deshmitaret-masakra-ne-veiiri-kryer-ne-prani-te-kfor-it-dhe-unmik-ut ]

Article publication sponsored by Rrënjët [https://www.rrenjet.iamalbanian.com]

Study on the Ethical Concepts of the Japanese Writer Yukio Mishima, Ultra-nationalist

https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/74b0/a50e0844e901c70a43f51a236571a192e555.pdf&ved=2ahUKEwi52YmwjpbgAhWlxYMKHZudAQ4QFjAXegQIBRAB&usg=AOvVaw3PcX9p_lmZHVwXvARZQLZI



K. Yamamoto

Kyushu Institute of Design, Fukuoka, Japan

ABSTRACT

After WWII, ultra-nationalism, which was the leading ideology of wartime Japan, seemed to have lost its power to inspire the Japanese. In the 1960s, when the Japanese began to enjoy economic prosperity, Yukio Mishima, deploring that the Japanese were losing the traditional spirit and morality of the nation, was one of those citizens who felt a strong nostalgia for wartime Japan. In an attempt to revive the spiritual exaltation of wartime Japan, Mishima took radical action as an ultra-nationalist, and killed himself by Hara-kiri. Mishima’s ethical concepts, which center on the ethos of warriors who dedicate themselves to the defense of their commune, have structural similarities to the ethical structure of the Kanun, which may be called the ethics of »blood«. Mishima’s theory of ultra-nationalism has a paradoxical logic, which seems to be related to the ethical concepts of a society without state power.

Introduction

The Japanese writer, Yukio Mishima committed suicide in 1970 at the headquarters of the Japan Self-Defense Force, insisting that the Japanese should abrogate the constitution promulgated after WWII under the guidance of the Allied Supreme Headquarters and have a new constitution made by the Japanese themselves. 
His suicide with one of his young comrades by Hara-kiri was a shock to the Japanese because he was a well-known writer of Romanticism and the Japanese forgot about the ritual of Hara-kiri after
WWII. Why Mishima committed suicide with such an astonishing action has been an enigma to the Japanese for over 30 years, though many previously unknown facts about his life have since been re-
vealed, and many people have analyzed the psychological background of his suicide. The key words of Mishima, who had been actively involved in the political movement for several years before his
death, comprise such wide categories as the Emperor, bushido (the code of warriors), bodybuilding, Self-Defense Force and the Shield Society (a phalanx of warriors to defend the Emperor) that it is dif-
ficult for the Japanese to understand what he really meant with these words. When I read »The Defense of Culture«, which explains why Mishima and his comrades should die in paramilitary action defending the Emperor, I noted the structural similarities between the ethics of the Kanun and his theory of ultra-nationalism. An analysis of Mishima’s ultra-nationalism, in comparison with the
ethical structure of the Kanun, led to discernment of his ethical concepts, which seem to have their origins in the value system of a society without state power.

In the present paper, I shall clarify the ethical concepts of Yukio Mishima as an ultra-nationalist. Such clarification may probe useful for analysis of the emotional basis of ethnic nationalism in other areas
of the world. Mishima’s theory of ulra-nationalism Mishima discusses his theory of ultra-nationalism in several essays. In »Counter-revolutionary Manifesto«1 for which, he says, he takes responsibility
though he does not take responsibility for his literature, he clearly indicates that the purpose of his radical action is to defend the Emperor. Counter-revolutionary Manifesto In the manifesto, Mishima declares that what he defends is the culture, history, and tradition of Japan, which is represented by »the form« called the Emperor. He, who embodies clarity, gaiety, sincerity, and the high morality of Japan, who represents the beauty of the Japanese tradition, stands up from the vantage point of the strong to fight communists once and for all, who seek to shatter the national polity of Japan. The national polity of Japan is epitomized by the imperial system, and freedom of speech, through which a true figure of the Emperor should spontaneously emerge, is included in it. The Japanese involved in the counter-revolutionary action have the same ethos as that of the Kamikaze pilots, who died in suicide bomb attacks during WWII with the belief that other Japanese would follow their heroic action. The presence and the prospect of these kind of people, who do not mind whether their action is effective or not, cannot be a beacon to a happy future and stand in opposition to all ideas which im-
ply a brilliant future for human beings. The battle to defend the Emperor does not defend the future of the people, but defends the fundamentals, which enable Japanese society to exist, although people
are unaware of these. Violence is not wrong in itself. Mishima says that the purpose for which violence is wielded determines whether it is right or wrong.

In »The Defense of Culture«1, Mishima elucidates his theory of the cultural commune of the Japanese, and advocates that »the form« of the cultural commune be defended at all costs.
The Defense of Culture Mishima says that the essence of culture is »the form«, which may be metaphorically described as a crystal through which we can see the spirit of a nation.

»The form«, which inspires the activity of a creative person, represents the continuity of the cultural life of the nation, which includes not only works of art, but deeds of the people and »the form« of the deeds.

The continuity of a nation’s cultural life, in other words, the continuity of »the form« is antithetical to the dialectical concepts of progress and development. Japan is one of the cultural communes with »the form« of its own. According to Mishima, »the form« of Japanese culture is the Emperor, whose rituals guarantee its own temporal continuity. The Emperor, who stands for the wholeness of the
cultural commune, is qualified to succeed to the throne because he has a tie of »blood« with his ancestors. Upon ascending the throne, the Emperor obtains divinity in the Great Food Offering Ritual
in which he plays the role of a host to receive the ancestor-god as a guest. He reconfirms and strengthens his divinity in the ritual of the Festival for the New Tasting every year. Every succeeding Emperor is deemed to be the original or a copy of the original Emperor. The successive repetition of »blood« in the imperial family is deemed to be an endless replay of the original, primordial cultural events.

Mishima assumes that the cultural commune of the Japanese has developed on the basis of a consanguine relationship with the people; that is, it is a sort of huge extended family, whose supreme chief is the Emperor. The existence of the cultural commune of the Japanese has an ethical value, because it is a commune of consanguinity, which has its origin in the ancient, divine obscurity of the universe.

In the cultural commune of the Japanese, the Emperor is the only source from which the values and morals of the Japanese flow, and through whom we can access every detail of the Japanese culture.
The esthetic value of the Japanese has
been engendered in the mimesis of the
imperial culture, which is pedestrian as
well as noble. The Emperor, who repre-
sents classicism and stands in opposition
to creativeness, is the source of power
which inspires both esthetic and ethical
emotions among the Japanese. The Em-
peror, who symbolizes order and ethics,
sometimes becomes the fountain from
which rebellions and revolutions origi-
nate. Because the aegis of the Emperor
covers both order and disorder, the Em-
peror is considered to represent the
wholeness of the cultural commune.
If the existence of the Emperor is
threatened by an enemy within or with-
out, the Japanese must take up arms to
defend the Emperor. The fight to defend
the Emperor might be a fierce, bloody one
in which the people do not hesitate to liq-
uidate the enemy. When a Japanese dies
in battle, death extinguishes his ego and
enables him to attain oneness with the
Emperor-god, through which he is eter-
nalized. It may be said that he is reborn,
because he who dedicates himself to the
Emperor and dies for him coalesces into
the eternal life of the commune. The acts
to defend the Emperor, which succeeding
generations carry out, guarantee the con-
tinuity of the commune, and the death of
generations while defending the Emperor
guarantees the recurrent momentum of
the commune. The Japanese act to defend
the Emperor with an instinctive feeling
for the continuity of life, which may be
analogous to the biological laws of life.
After WWII, the tie between the state
and the kinship system was cut. The so-
cial as well as constitutional changes im-
posed on Japan by the Allied Supreme
Headquarters led to the degeneration of
Japanese culture and society. It brought
the Japanese a boring peace and an in-
sipid culture like culture seen in a mu-
seum. When Japanese see that their cul-
ture is in a shameful, terrible state, they
are compelled to stand up to restore its
dignity and strive to regenerate it. To
achieve this end, the Japanese must dedi-
cate themselves to battle and die in it,
which ensures the restoration of the Em-
peror’s honor and dignity. Thus, the ho-
nor of the cultural commune of the Japa-
nese will be restored.
In »The Logic of Moral Revolution«1,
Mishima admires the young officers of
the February 26th Incident, the largest
military uprising in modern Japan,
which occurred in 1936. The passion and
sincerity of these men, who regarded the
Emperor as a god and dedicated themselves to him, galvanized Mishima to
take radical action.
The Logic of Moral Revolution
The young officers of the Imperial Jap-
anese Army, resenting the corruption of
politicians, officials, and entrepreneurs,
who showed little sympathy or ability to
deal with the plight of the poor peasants
hit by catastrophic weather in northern
Japan, attacked the high officials of the
government with 1400 foot soldiers and
took control of the central area of Tokyo
in an attempt to make the Emperor take
the helm of Japan. Mishima regards the
uprising as a revolutionary action of high
morality, intended to make the young of-
ficers get involved in the ultimate purity
of the imperial system. However, these of-
ficers were defeated because the Em-
peror, angry with those who had killed
his close advisors, refused to accept their
demands and gave a military order to
crush the uprising immediately. The
young officers, finding that the Empe-
ror-god was outraged, asked the Emperor
to send an emissary to oversee them kill
themselves honorably. The Emperor re-
fused to grant them an honorable death.
The young officers were arrested and shot
to death after a secret military tribunal.
According to Mishima, the young offi-
cers were destined for defeat because
they had to wait for the Emperor-god to
accept their demands. They could not at-
tack the Emperor and the imperial sys-
tem because they were inspired to take
action by »the form« called the Emperor.
They could do nothing but wait patiently
for the Emperor to recognize their selfless
devotion to him. This is why a revolution
inspired by »the form« is doomed to fail-
ure. However, Mishima says that the
young officers experienced a momentary
bliss when they believed, though vainly,
that their dreams had been fulfilled.
When an uprising fails, the instigators
must kill themselves immediately be-
cause they have committed the sin of dis-
loyalty to the Emperor-god. Then the
souls of the dead who remain loyal to the
Emperor, uniting with the Emperor-god,
achieve eternity and bliss.
In »Sun and Steel«2, Mishima ana-
lyzes his psychological and philosophical
background, which constantly seduces
him to choose an early death by suicide.
He says that he experienced the bliss of
oneness with the commune at the end of
WWII when most of the Japanese were
willingly prepared to die in battle. He
longed to repeat this after WWII.
Sun and Steel
Mishima confesses that during boy-
hood, he lived in a world of literature un-
der the presupposition that he did not
have a body, did not belong to reality of
the society, and did not have any inten-
tion to do any meaningful acts. During
the war, he, who was absorbed in listen-
ing to his own inner voice, hated the sun,
which he regarded as the symbol of honor
and glory. However, one day, prodigiously
showered by summer sunlight shortly af-
ter WWII, he felt that in reality he must
have belonged to the category of people
who admire the sun, and he then decided
to increase the amount of his muscle by
bodybuilding, which would perhaps qual-
ify him as a sun worshiper.
When Mishima had developed the
musculature of his body, he found that his
physical strength grounded his sense of
existence and transformed it into a sense
of power. He realized that the sense that
power needed an opponent, one who en-
ables it to be power, was the fundamental
relationship between the world and us. In
this regard, we need the world. When he
was practicing Kendo (Japanese fencing),
he felt that the thing lurking beyond his
bamboo sword was the existence or the
essence of existence, which has features
opposite to literature. What appeared
abruptly before his eyes was existence it self; that is, an opponent, who refuses to
be depicted in words. Mishima and the
opponent exist in the same world wherein
they see each other without using the
imagination. The opponent can never be
an idea, but a reality which seeks to
strike a blow. He regards the opponent as
death itself. Mishima says that he saw
the sun of death beyond the pain which
his body felt when his opponent hit him.
Mishima’s power, which is fighting, run-
ning and crying within him, asks him to
perform an action which is so pure that it
is beyond imagination. The sun of death
ensnares him, and he is incessantly led to
his death.
Mishima’s relentless thirst to kill him-
self led him to bushido and death by
Hara-kiri carried out in accordance with
the procedure of bushido, which made it
possible for him to die as a heroic warrior.
What makes it different between a ro-
mantic death and a decadent death is the
presence or absence of a sense of honor
which makes death able to be seen, the
presence of a tragic situation and the
beauty of the body of a dying man. Mi-
shima wanted a romantic death, which
could only occur in a tragic moment when
everyday imaginings concerning death
and danger and world destruction were
transformed into duty. The place where
Mishima feels happiness is the tragic
world, wherein he can achieve oneness
with the commune without using words
of literature. He deplores having lost a
chance to die along with the Kamikaze pi-
lots, who attained blissful death in the
tragic situation of war, when the abrupt
cessation of the war in 1945 saved him.
After WWII Mishima trained his body
so that he could carry out a beautiful, he-
roic death. When he had obtained physi-
cal power, the will to fight and the skill to
battle, he decided to end his life with a
radical action, accompanied by words of
no individuality, which might exert a re-
ally monumental power. In order to
achieve a heroic death, he needed a pha-
lanx of warriors who would take an oath
to die together in battle. When he dies
with the phalanx of warriors, he is able to
glimpse the sacred world of the gods with
his last breath.
Ethical concepts of Mishima as an
ultra-nationalist
Mishima’s logic of ultra-nationalism
described above leads us to his ethical
concepts, as follows.
Japan is a cultural commune, founded
on the basis of the kinship system. It is
considered to be a huge kin group into
which relatively small kin groups, such
as extended families, coalesced. Japan,
which is an ethical entity, is represented
by »the form« called the Emperor, who ob-
tains divinity by the Great Food Offering
Ritual upon ascending the throne and
renovates it in the ritual of the Festival
for the New Tasting every year. The ritu-
als, which the Emperors have repeatedly
performed since ancient times, guarantee
the temporal continuity of the commune.
The cultural commune of the Japanese,
which looks as though it is covered by a
dome called »the Emperor«, is a space of
freedom, in which even some kinds of an-
archy may be accepted.
As long as the cultural commune of
the Japanese exists with an ethical value,
it has an obligation to continue to exist in
the world. If its existence is threatened,
the warriors of the commune must come
to its defense. Therefore, it has the ethos
of a warrior’s commune, which admires
acts of valor and self-sacrifice. A warrior,
who dies in battle defending the com-
mune, can transcend himself and be
united with the Emperor, who is a su-
preme-priest of the commune as well as a
divine entity representing the continuity
of communal life. Violence in defense of
the commune is regarded as an ethical force, because the commune is an ethical
entity.
Defending the commune with one’s
own flesh and blood is an act of honor and
pride for warriors. Insofar as fighting the
enemy in defense of the commune is
deemed an ethical act, killing the enemy
is also an ethical act, though such action
can lead to anarchy. The act of defending
the commune, which must be repeated as
long as it exists, is antithetical to the dia-
lectics. The battle proceeds as a tragedy
because it is an action to defend the ethi-
cal entity.
Ethical structure of the Kanun
The comparison of Mishima’s ethical
concepts with the ethical structure of the
Kanun reveals the essential meaning of
his beliefs. The ethical structure of the
Kanun will be briefly discussed below.
The Kanun is a customary code which
keeps social order in the tribal society of
northern Albania. The Kanun dictates
that if 1) a person breaks an oath or a
besa, 2) a person injures or kills a guest,
3) a person kills a member of another kin
group, 4) a person dishonors a member of
another kin group, the offended party
must take revenge on the offending party.
The Kanun allows a murder which hap-
pened within a shpi (family) to be re-
solved in it with some arbitrariness. Acts
of revenge are regulated by the Kanun
whose ethical structure is epitomized as
follows: 1) a guest is a kind of god or a
messenger of the gods, 2) commensality
of a host with the guest-god is a ritual by
which the host makes communion with
the guest-god, 3) the host becomes divine
through commensality with the guest-god
and by receiving a blessing uttered by the
guest-god, 4) the oath, besa, honor and
blood of a person (host) who obtains di-
vinity from the guest-god are equivalent
to those of the gods, 5) when a person
loses this divinity for himself or others by
committing sacrilegious acts, such as
breaking an oath, injuring a guest, etc.,
the damaged divinity must be neutral-
ized by offering the blood of the offender
or a member of his kin group to soothe the
anger of the furious gods3.
The people in northern Albania live in
a society, which consists of patrilineally
organized kin groups called shpi (family),
vllazni (brotherhood) and fis (clan). In
this society, where kinship systems are of
great importance, an individual lives as a
member of a kin group. His individual
rights and freedom of will are rather re-
stricted, and each individual is expected
to meet the obligations of the kin group,
which includes the dead (ancestors) of the
lineage. In a society where people prac-
tice ancestor worship, the dead are re-
garded as a sort of god (ancestor-god). If
the dead are ancestor-gods, the kin group
is assumed to be a divine, ethical entity
because it is a commune consisting of the
living and the ancestor-gods. An ances-
tor-god, disguised as a stranger, some-
times visits the living to make commu-
nion with them. The living must offer
shelter and hospitality to the guest-god.
In return for the hospitality, the guest-
god gives blessings to the hosts, and the
power of the spoken words ensures the
happiness and good health of the living4.
If an individual receives praise, it is
praise for his entire kin group. If anyone
living or dead is insulted, it is an insult
against the whole kin group. Such dis-
honor must be avenged by the living of
the kin group. If a person is killed, the
spilt blood asks for the blood of the slayer
or a member of his kin group. When the
living do not satisfy the demand of the
dead, the furious blood takes revenge on
the living. Therefore the living cannot fail
to take revenge. Because a kin group
comprised of the living and ancestor-gods
is a transcendental, ethical entity, the vi-
olence of revenge prosecuted by the kin
group is deemed a sacred force sacrificing  the offender, whose blood is dedicated to
the furious ancestor-gods4.
The Kanun functions well as a cus-
tomary code in a society which has follow-
ing cultural features that: 1) there’s no
functioning state power, 2) a kinship sys-
tem is of great importance, 3) a kin group
is deemed a transcendental commune
consisting of the living and the dead, 4)
the kin group has an ethical obligation to
keep its existence in the community, 5)
animism and ancestor worship are preva-
lent, 6) the ethos of warriors is highly re-
garded, 7) spoken words are appreciated
more highly than written words.
Discussion
When Mishima’s ethical concepts are
compared with the ethical structure of
the Kanun, the following structural simi-
larities emerge.
The foundation of the commune indi-
cated by the Kanun and by Mishima is
»blood«; that is, consanguinity. As for the
Kanun, the commune of »blood« refers to
the kinship system of shpi-vllazni-fis,
while for Mishima, it means the cultural
commune of the Japanese. Such com-
munes are presided over not by the ruler,
but by the chief representing the com-
mune, whose rituals guarantee the tem-
poral continuity of the commune. As for
the Kanun, the chief refers to a patriarch
or a chieftain of the kin group, while for
Mishima, it means the Emperor. A com-
mune developed on the basis of »blood«
has an absolute, ethical obligation to pre-
serve its existence in the community. As
for the Kanun, the community means the
tribal society, while for Mishima, it
means the international community of
nations. The international community of
nations in modern world, where no uni-
versal sovereign power exists to preser-
ves order, may be metaphorically called a
society without state power. The ultimate
purpose of the communes of »blood« is to
continue to exist. Any action of a member
of the commune, taken to safeguard and
flourish the commune, is supposed to be
ethical, while any action that weakens
and harms the commune is unethical.
Given that a commune based on »blood«
connotes the endless repetition of »blood«,
its principles are in opposition to the con-
cepts of progress and development. Be-
cause internal conflicts are settled by the
commune itself, which is allowed to make
any decision with some arbitrariness, the
commune is considered to be a space of
freedom. Communes are both enemy and
ally towards each other, as all of them are
potential rivals. As for the Kanun, other
communes are shpi-vllazni-fis, while as
for Mishima, they are the cultural com-
munes of other nations. When one com-
mune grows too much, a conflict with
other communes is unavoidable because
they must compete for the control of a liv-
ing space. In order to keep the existence
of the commune in the community, the
warriors must stand up to fight for the
survival of the commune. It can be a fero-
cious, internecine battle because the com-
munes base their survival on it. When a
warrior dies in battle, he will merge with
the »blood« of the commune. The honor of
the dead is restored by the victory of the
commune, and the dead are appeased by
the rituals performed by the commune.
Thus, we can identify the structural
similarities of ethical concepts between
the Kanun and Mishima. Though kin
groups of the Kanun have different fea-
tures from the cultural commune of the
Japanese, Mishima sees little contradic-
tion between the two, as he imagines that
the cultural commune of the Japanese is
an entity analogous to a huge extended
family. In this context, it becomes clear
that the ethical concepts of Mishima are
closely related to those of a society with-
out state power.
The ethical structure of the Kanun,
which may be called the ethics of »blood«, is a value system which functions well in
a society without state power. It is a value
system with its own polarity, which does
not necessarily evolve into a value system
of a society with state power4. A society
without state power, which regards spo-
ken words more highly than written
words, may be regarded to be a society of
the mythological world. If the continuity
of the cultural commune of the Japanese
is guaranteed by the repetition of rituals
performed by the Emperor, it is not a
commune of the historical world, but a
commune of the mythological world.
In the 1960s, when Japanese society
was experiencing accelerated economic
development, Mishima began to look
back to wartime Japan and aspired to die
for the Emperor, to eternalize himself in
death. Apparently, Mishima’s theory of
ultra-nationalism, which ultimately cen-
ters on the ethos of warriors who die in
battle to defend the Emperor, involves
logic aimed at preserving the merits of
the cultural commune of the Japanese. At
the same time, it is a paradoxical logic,
which seems to be rushing towards the
ethics of a society without state power.
This paradox appears to be the essence of
the imperial system of wartime Japan,
whose slogan was to make the world one
family, which had the power to rouse feel-
ings of ecstasy and bliss among the Japa-
nese during WWII. The theoretical desti-
nation of the logic is that if the world is
united into one family under the aegis of
the Emperor, the state powers all over
the world including Japan will disappear,
ultimately resulting in a new world whe-
re the true harmony and peace which
characterize a family should prevail. The
alternative end-result of ultra-nationa-
lism is a society wherein the passion of
ethnocentrism and exclusionism might
be dominant. The ethical concepts of Mi-
shima, which may date back to the pri-
mordial culture of an ancient society
without state power, seem to be a logic
present and applicable not only in Japa-
nese society, but in societies and nations
all over the world.

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K. Yamamoto
Kyushu Institute of Design, Shiobaru, Minami-ku, Fukuoka-shi, 815-8540 Japan


STUDIJA ETI^KOG KONCEPTA JAPANSKOG PISCA MISHIME,
ULTRA – NACIONALISTA
SA@ETAK
Nakon drugog svjetskog rata, ultra nacionalizam, kao vode}a ideologija ratnog Japana, po~ela je gubiti svoju inspiriraju}u mo} me|u Japancima. U 60-tim godinama
20-tog stolje}a, kada su Japanci po~eli osije}ati ekonomski prosperitet, Yukio Mishima,
`ale}i {to Japanci gube tradicionalni nacionalni duh i eti~nost, pripadao je gra|anima
koji su osije}ali jaku nostalgiju za ratnim Japanom. S namjerom o`ivljavanja duhovne
egzaltacije ratnog Japana, Mishima je poduzeo radikalan ~in kao ultra-nacionalist, i
ubio se izvr{iv{i »Hara-kiri«. Mishimini eti~ki koncepti, koji se usredoto~uju na ethos
ratnika koji se posve}uje obrani zajednice, ima strukturnu sli~nost eti~koj strukturi
»Kanuna«, koja se mo`e nazvati etikom »krvi«. Mishimina teorija ultra-nacionalizma
ima paradoksalnu logiku, koja je, izgleda, povezana s eti~kim konceptom dru{tva bez
dr`avne mo}i.

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